For most American Jews and Israelis, evangelical Christians are synonymous with zealous, biblically inspired support of the Jewish state--—so zealous, in fact, that it makes some Jews uneasy. But the days when Israel could count on unconditional support from evangelicals may be coming to an end.
Last month, a conference convened in Bethlehem by Palestinian activists and long at odds with the Jewish state managed to bring a number of leading lights from the evangelical community in North America and Europe to the Holy Land. Many of the at the conference touched on themes that one would commonly hear at a teach-in, like blaming the entire Middle East conflict on Israel's occupation and the settlements.
Indeed, the name of the conference, , is indicative of the different direction this segment of the evangelical movement is heading toward. The idea is that evangelicals should rethink their support for a state that occupies another people and oppresses them. Once they get the full story, conference organizers hope, Western evangelicals may find they have more in common with the downtrodden Palestinians than with the Israelis.
To pro-Israel evangelicals and Zionists who were paying attention, Christ at the Checkpoint was a . The larger trend, which for want of a better phrase might be called the pro-Palestinian evangelical movement and is indeed spearheaded by Palestinian Christians, is already changing minds. Giving them momentum are money raised in the United States, theology, and perhaps most important of all, a movie. The documentary film is leaving many former pro-Israel evangelicals wondering why they never heard the Palestinian side of the story.
Many friends of Israel, as well as Israelis, have long been concerned that evangelical support is premised largely on self-interest of an especially macabre nature. Israel, in this reading, is ground zero for the apocalypse: Before Christ can return to Earth, the Jews must return to Israel and the Temple must be restored, ushering in first a time of tribulation and then a reign of peace.
Of course, the apocalypse and Christ's return is not the only justification for Christian support of Israel. Indeed, this end-time scenario embarrasses some evangelicals whose support is premised on the idea that God keeps his promises, not only to Christians but also to Jews, to whom God pledged the land of Israel. This conviction is further buttressed by a sense of historical responsibility, specifically to stand with the Jews and atone for the failure of Christians during the Holocaust to save the nation that gave them their savior.
Though the vast majority of evangelicals still maintain that support, for the first time since the establishment of Israel in 1948, there is an increasingly heated debate in the evangelical community that may augur a shift in the political winds. And if the Christ at the Checkpoint camp wins out, the pro-Israel Jewish community that once looked warily upon evangelical support may come to regard that movement with nostalgia.
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"The debate in the Jewish community should not be about whether or not to be comfortable with Christian support for Israel," David Brog, executive director of , told me last week. "Christians are going to be involved in the issue whether we are comfortable or not. The question is whether they're going to be on Israel's side or not."
Christians United for Israel is the United States' largest and best-known Christian Zionist organization. Founded in 2006 by John Hagee, pastor of the CornerStone Church in San Antonio, Texas, boasts over a million members. Hagee has found himself in the middle of political controversy in the past—--most recently during John McCain's unsuccessful 2008 presidential campaign when his statements regarding the Holocaust were misinterpreted and McCain his support. (Hagee declined to comment for this article.)
Hagee and other figures base support for the Jewish state on biblical foundations, specifically on Genesis 12:3, where God tells Abraham, "I will bless them that bless thee, and curse him that curseth thee." The message is clear: Those who support Israel will be rewarded by God. But pro-Israel evangelicals have sent their flock out into the field vulnerable--—that is, without an account of the conflict that besets the citizens of the present-day homeland of the Jews. Armed only with a biblical defense of the Jewish state, evangelicals are unprepared to justify it on political grounds.
This gap has made room for people across the cultural and ideological spectrum—--whose motivations run the gamut from genuine compassion for Palestinians to anti-Semitism--—to fill the space with their own interpretations of contemporary Middle East history. Not surprisingly, many of these narratives tend to be drawn from precincts of the left, like the BDS movement, that are known for their hostility to the Jewish state. What is peculiar is that these accounts are being entertained and sometimes embraced in evangelical churches, Bible schools, and Christian colleges that are not typically known for their progressive politics.
It wasn't difficult for these Christian critics of Israel to find a weak link in the Christian Zionist narrative--—it's the ethical morass inherent in the formulation of Genesis 12:3. The children of the Bible, Christians as well as Jews, believe that all people are created in God's image and are therefore born with individual dignity. But if people of faith are supposed to bless Israel because they'll be blessed in return, then they are treating others, Jews and Arabs, not as individuals but rather as instruments in their own spiritual drama.
You can't treat people as chess pieces, says Porter Speakman Jr., the 40-year-old director of With God on Our Side. This 82-minute-long documentary, which premiered in 2010 and is now being shown at churches and college campuses, has had a major role in tilting evangelical opinion, especially among young people, against Israel. Speakman told me in a phone interview that his aim isn't to "delegitimize Israel, but to be critical of policies that are having an effect on real people's lives."
"I grew up in a Christian home in the south, where not to support Israel was to go against God," Speakman told me. He said he made the film in order to explore a question that he thinks has been missing from the conversation in the evangelical community. That is: "What are the consequences of my beliefs and my theology for real people living on the ground?"
With God on Our Side follows the intellectual odyssey of Christopher Harrell, a twenty-something recent film-school graduate, who is trying to come to grips with the reality of the Arab-Israeli conflict. This is a very different story from the Bible-based injunctions that formed his spiritual life as a child. The film's narrative trajectory starts with Harrell's parents, who he recalls once celebrated Passover—--"I'm not sure why we did that. We're not Jewish. We're just this normal American Midwestern family"--—and who support Israel because that's "just what everyone did." The film moves then to a series of interviews with figures in the evangelical community known for their animus toward Zionism, like Gary Burge and Stephen Sizer, and writers outside the evangelical milieu whose reputation rests on their hostility to Israel, like Ilan Pappé and Norman Finkelstein.
These interviews challenge the mainstream evangelical narrative with well-worn accusations typical of BDSers. For instance, the Israeli occupation, says one South African evangelical, is ""
"Growing up," Speakman said of his childhood, "there was never a choice, you were supposed to love and support Israel. That meant following Genesis 12 as well as a fulfillment of endtime prophecies. But does supporting Israel mean supporting all of Israel's geopolitical decisions?"
Speakman, who lived in Israel with his wife from 1998 until 2003, said that he thinks the role of Christians is to support both Jews and Arabs in their search for a solution. But some of his documentary think that the film goes much further. They see it as making the case that evangelicals have taken the wrong side--—favoring a nation inhabited by those who rejected Jesus as their savior rather than the Christian communities that have existed in the Holy Land since the time of Christ. The issue is that key segments of the Palestinian Christian community have a vested political interest in delegitimizing Zionism—--a fact that Speakman and other Western activists in the evangelical community may or may not be aware of.
Among the Palestinian outfits leading the campaign critical of Israel is the Bethlehem Bible College, which organized Christ at the Checkpoint, for which Speakman served as a media coordinator. The most prominent and active organization is the Jerusalem-based Sabeel, headed by a Palestinian Anglican priest, Rev. Naim Ateek. Its American branch, Friends of Sabeel North America, is based in Portland, Ore., and raises money for its Jerusalem affiliate.
"Sabeel is nakedly hostile to Israel," Dexter Van Zile, Christian media analyst for CAMERA, told me in an interview. In an article on Sabeel and Ateek last week, Van Zile quotes the clergyman at length, including this peculiar admission: "From my perspective as a Palestinian Christian, Zionism is a step backward in the development of Judaism."
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According to Randy Neal, Western Regional Coordinator of CUFI, the ideological foundations of the pro-Palestinian Christian movement are grounded in both liberation theology and replacement theology. The first is a politicized doctrine that requires a continual mindset of victimhood, in order to solicit political sympathy and action on behalf of the "oppressed" against the "oppressors." The latter holds that the church has replaced Jews as God's chosen and become the real Israel.
"It's not just that church has replaced Israel," said Neal, but for many of the Palestinian Christian clergy and their activist sympathizers, "the Palestinian church is the real church. Jesus, on this reading, was an underdog, who came to champion the underdog. He was oppressed by the Romans, so if you are Christ-like, you are also oppressed, like the Palestinians. This increasingly includes the idea that Jesus was a Palestinian. It's an adopted narrative that is believed to have started with Yasser Arafat, but to some people it's become a gospel fact."
In other words, it's a narrative that denies Jesus' Jewish identity. "It is a very ugly expression of Christian anti-Semitism," Neal said.
But Brog, Neal's colleague, disagrees: "anti-Semitism is not the driving force." Rather, he said, the impetus comes from a combination of two ideological streams. "There's the anti-Israel perspective, which comes from the Palestinian Christians, who are using theology to preach a politically anti-Israel message. And then there are the Christians based in North America and Europe who are allowing liberal politics to trump Christian beliefs."
The unpleasant reality is that Christian anti-Semitism has as much, if not more, theological justification as Christian support for Israel. Compared to two millennia of Christian anti-Semitism culminating with the Holocaust, one biblical verse is a pretty thin thread on which to hang support of the Jewish state.
Neal says that he believes Christian love of Israel is premised on Genesis 12:3 and on Joel 3:2: "I will also gather all nations, and will bring them down into the valley of Jehoshaphat, and will enter into judgement with them there for my people, my heritage Israel."
"We are supposed to love what God loves," Neal said. "We consider ourselves ambassadors of Christ. For centuries, Christians abused and abandoned the apple of God's eye, and we are not going to let that happen again on our watch."
But as CUFI pushes Genesis and Joel, the Christ at the Checkpoint crowd is focused exclusively on Palestinians' distress and apparently ignoring history. CAMERA's Van Zile, who attended last month's conference, noted that nowhere in the pro-Palestinian evangelical narrative is there any account of Jewish persecution. "I've heard moving testimony about Palestinian suffering. But they don't acknowledge Muslim anti-Semitism. They don't talk about Palestinian leadership, or how it's abused the Palestinian community. There's no account of Hamas in their story about Israel."